
Super Imperialism. The Economic Strategy of American Empire. Third Edition Paperback – 30 September 2021
by Michael Hudson (Author)
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This edition of Super Imperialism is the finalized version of the analysis that Michael Hudson first published in the wake of President Nixon severing the dollar's link to gold in August 1971. Closing the gold window had been imminent since the London Gold Pool was disbanded in 1968 in response to the U.S. overseas military spending that had pushed the balance of payments into steadily deepening deficit since the Korean War (1950-51).
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Print length
494 pages
Language
English
Publication date : 30 September 2021
Language : English
Print length : 494 pages
Customer Reviews:
4.8 4.8 out of 5 stars (251)
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Michael Hudson
Michael Hudson is a Distinguished Research Professor of Economics at the University of Missouri, Kansas City (UMKC), and Professor of Economics at Peking University in China. He gives speeches, lectures and presentations all over the world for official and unofficial groups reflecting diverse academic, economic and political constituencies.
Before moving into research and consulting, Prof. Hudson spent several years applying flow-of-funds and balance-of-payments statistics to forecast interest rates, capital and real estate markets for Chase Manhattan Bank and The Hudson Institute (no relation). His academic focus has been on financial history and, since 1980, on writing a history of debt, land tenure and related economic institutions from the Sumerian period, antiquity, and feudal Europe to the present.
Since 1996 as president of the Institute for the Study of Long Term Economic Trends (ISLET), he has written reports and given presentations on balance of payments, financial bubbles, land policy and financial reforms for U.S. and international clients and governments.
He organized the International Scholars Conference on Ancient Near Eastern Economies (ISCANEE) in 1993, and to-date has co-edited the preceedings of six academic conferences on the evolution of property, credit, labor and accounting since the Bronze Age.
His website and blog can be found at michael-hudson.com. He has been interviewed on Democracy Now, Marketplace, and Naked Capitalism. Many of his interviews and public appearances can be seen on YouTube.
• • •
Paul Craig Roberts’ Bio of Michael Hudson
(Paul Craig Roberts is former under-secretary of the U.S. Treasury (Reagan Administration) and author of The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism and Economic Dissolution of the West. This bio is excerpted from an introduction to Michael Hudson’s book, Killing the Host (2015), originally posted at paulcraigroberts.org and at NakedCapitalism.com, February 6, 2016.)
Michael Hudson did not intend to be an economist. At the University of Chicago, which had a leading economics faculty, Hudson studied music and cultural history. He went to New York City to work in publishing. He thought he could set out on his own when he was assigned rights to the writings and archives of George Lukács and Leon Trotsky, but publishing houses were not interested in the work of two Jewish Marxists who had a significant impact on the 20th century.
Friendships connected Hudson to a former economist for General Electric who taught him the flow of funds through the economic system and explained how crises develop when debt outgrows the economy. Hooked, Hudson enrolled in the economics graduate program at N.Y.U. and took a job in the financial sector calculating how savings were recycled into new mortgage loans.
Hudson learned more economics from his work experience than from his Ph.D. courses. On Wall Street he learned how bank lending inflates land prices and, thereby, interest payments to the financial sector. The more banks lend, the higher real estate prices rise, thus encouraging more bank lending. As mortgage debt service rises, more of household income and more of the rental value of real estate are paid to the financial sector. When the imbalance becomes too large, the bubble bursts. Despite its importance, the analysis of land rent and property
valuation was not part of his Ph.D. studies in economics.
Hudson’s next job was with Chase Manhattan, where he used the export earnings of South American countries to calculate how much debt service the countries could afford to pay to U.S. banks. Hudson learned that just as mortgage lenders regard the rental income from property as a flow of money that can be diverted to interest payments, international banks regard the export earnings of foreign countries as revenues that can be used to pay interest on foreign loans. Hudson learned that the goal of creditors is to capture the entire economic surplus of a country into payments of debt service.
Soon the American creditors and the IMF were lending indebted countries money with which to pay interest. This caused the countries’ foreign debts to rise at compound interest. Hudson predicted that the indebted countries would not be able to pay their debts, an unwelcome prediction that was confirmed when Mexico announced it could not pay. This crisis was resolved with “Brady bonds” named after the U.S. Treasury Secretary, but when the 2008 U.S. mortgage crisis hit, just as Hudson predicted, nothing was done for the American homeowners. If you are not a mega-bank, your problems are not a focus of U.S. economic policy.
Chase Manhattan next had Hudson develop an accounting format to analyze the U.S. oil industry balance of payments. Here Hudson learned another lesson about the difference between official statistics and reality. Using “transfer pricing,” oil companies managed to avoid paying taxes by creating the illusion of zero profits. Oil company affiliates in tax avoidance locations buy oil at low prices from producers. From these flags of convenience locations, which have no tax on profits, the oil was then sold to Western refineries at prices marked up to eliminate profits. The profits were recorded by the oil companies’ affiliates in non-tax jurisdictions. (Tax authorities have cracked down to some extent on the use of transfer pricing to escape taxation.)
Hudson’s next task was to estimate the amount of money from crime going into Switzerland’s secret banking system. In this investigation, his last for Chase, Hudson discovered that under U.S. State Department direction Chase and other large banks had established banks in the Caribbean for the purpose of attracting money into dollar holdings from drug dealers in order to support the dollar (by raising the demand for dollars by criminals) in order to balance or offset Washington’s foreign military outflows of dollars. If dollars flowed out of the U.S., but demand did not rise to absorb the larger supply of dollars, the dollar’s exchange rate would fall, thus threatening the basis of U.S. power. By providing offshore banks in which criminals could deposit illicit dollars, the U.S. government supported the dollar’s exchange value.
Hudson discovered that the U.S. balance of payments deficit, a source of pressure on the value of the U.S. dollar, was entirely military in character. The U.S. Treasury and State Department supported the Caribbean safe haven for illegal profits in order to offset the negative impact on the U.S. balance of payments of U.S. military operations abroad. In other words, if criminality can be used in support of the U.S. dollar, the U.S. government is all for criminality.
When it came to the economics of the situation, economic theory had not a clue. Neither trade flows nor direct investments were important in determining exchange rates. What was important was “errors and omissions,” which Hudson discovered was a euphemism for the hot, liquid money of drug dealers and government officials embezzling the export earnings of their countries.
The problem for Americans is that both political parties regard the needs of the American people as a liability and as an obstacle to the profits of the military/security complex, Wall Street and the mega-banks, and Washington’s world hegemony. The government in Washington represents powerful interest groups, not American citizens. This is why the 21st century consists of an attack on the constitutional protections of citizens so that citizens can be moved out of the way of the needs of the Empire and its beneficiaries.
Hudson learned that economic theory is really a device for ripping off the untermenschen. International trade theory concludes that countries can service huge debts simply by lowering domestic wages in order to pay creditors. This is the policy currently being applied to Greece today, and it has been the basis of the IMF’s structural adjustment or austerity programs imposed on debtor countries, essentially a form of looting that turns over national resources to foreign lenders.
Hudson learned that monetary theory concerns itself only with wages and consumer prices, not with the inflation of asset prices such as real estate and stocks. He saw that economic theory serves as a cover for the polarization of the world economy between rich and poor. The promises of globalism are a myth. Even left-wing and Marxist economists think of exploitation in terms of wages and are unaware that the main instrument of exploitation is the financial system’s extraction of value into interest payments.
Economic theory’s neglect of debt as an instrument of exploitation caused Hudson to look into the history of how earlier civilizations handled the buildup of debt. His research was so ground-breaking that Harvard University appointed him Research Fellow in Babylonian economic history in the Peabody Museum.
Meanwhile he continued to be sought after by financial firms. He was hired to calculate the number of years that Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico would be able to pay the extremely high interest rates on their bonds. On the basis of Hudson’s work, the Scudder Fund achieved the second highest rate of return in the world in 1990.
Hudson’s investigations into the problems of our time took him through the history of economic thought. He discovered that 18th and 19th century economists understood the disabling power of debt far better than today’s neoliberal economists who essentially neglect it in order to better cater to the interest of the financial sector.
Hudson shows that Western economies have been financialized in a predatory way that sacrifices the public interest to the interests of the financial sector. That is why the economy no longer works for ordinary people. Finance is no longer productive. It has become a parasite on the economy. Hudson tells this story in Killing the Host (2015).
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<슈퍼 임페리얼리즘: 미국 제국의 경제 전략> 요약 및 평론
1. 개요: 새로운 형태의 제국주의
마이클 허드슨은 이 저서에서 과거의 고전적 제국주의와 현대 미국이 운용하는 <슈퍼 임페리얼리즘>의 결정적 차이를 분석한다. 19세기 영국을 비롯한 전통적 제국주의가 자본 수출과 식민지 영토 확장을 통해 부를 축적했다면, 현대 미국은 전 세계로부터 자본을 흡수하고 타국에 부채를 전가하는 파격적인 메커니즘을 구축했다. 특히 1971년 금 본위제 폐지 이후, 미국은 국채라는 종이 조각을 통해 전 세계의 실물 자산과 노동력을 무상으로 수취하는 유례없는 <화폐적 약탈> 시스템을 완성했다.
2. 주요 요약
가. 금 본위제의 붕괴와 달러 패권의 역설
1960년대 베트남 전쟁으로 인한 막대한 군사비 지출은 미국의 금 보유고를 고갈시켰다. 1971년 닉슨 대통령이 금 태환 정지를 선언했을 때, 세간은 이를 미국의 몰락으로 보았다. 그러나 허드슨은 이를 <미국 패권의 새로운 시작>으로 정의한다. 금이라는 제약이 사라지자 미국은 달러를 무제한으로 발행할 수 있게 되었고, 타국은 무역 흑자로 벌어들인 달러를 다시 미국 국채에 투자할 수밖에 없는 구조에 갇혔다. 결과적으로 타국의 경제 성장이 미국의 전쟁 비용과 재정 적자를 메워주는 꼴이 된 것이다.
나. 세계은행(IBRD)과 국제통화기구(IMF)의 역할
허드슨은 세계은행과 IMF가 개발도상국의 자립을 돕는 기구가 아니라, 미국의 전략적 이익을 대변하는 도구라고 비판한다.
세계은행: 개도국이 자국 내 식량 자급을 포기하고 미국산 농산물을 수입하게 만들며, 미국 기업의 원자재 추출을 돕는 인프라 구축에만 차관을 제공한다.
IMF: 외환 위기에 처한 국가에 <긴축 정책>과 <공기업 민간화>를 강요하여, 해당국의 경제 주권을 박탈하고 미국 자본이 저렴하게 자산을 인수할 길을 열어준다.
다. 군사적 팽창과 적자 경제학
미국의 국제수지 적자는 대부분 해외 주둔 미군 유지비와 군사 작전에서 발생한다. 일반적인 국가라면 이러한 적자는 통화 가치 하락과 경제 파탄으로 이어지지만, 미국은 달러가 기축통화라는 점을 이용하여 적자를 <수출>한다. 전 세계 중앙은행들이 보유한 달러는 결국 미국 국채로 환류되며, 이는 전 세계가 원치 않더라도 미국의 군사적 팽창 비용을 강제로 분담하고 있음을 의미한다.
3. 비판적 평론: 부채를 무기로 삼은 제국
가. 메커니즘의 독창성과 통찰
이 책의 가장 큰 공헌은 <제국은 자본을 수출한다>는 레닌 식의 고전적 명제를 뒤집은 데 있다. 허드슨은 현대 제국이 오히려 자본을 <수입>하며, 그 수단이 부채(국채)라는 점을 날카롭게 지적한다. 이는 거시경제학적 지표 뒤에 숨겨진 권력 관계를 폭로하는 탁월한 통찰이다. 미국의 적자가 곧 권력이 되는 <부채의 무기화> 공식을 이해하지 못하고서는 현대 국제 정치를 논할 수 없음을 보여준다.
나. 국가 주권과 경제적 종속
허드슨의 분석에 따르면, 현대의 자유무역 체제는 평등한 교환의 장이 아니라 고도로 설계된 수탈의 장이다. 특히 개도국이 겪는 <부채의 덫>은 단순한 경영 실책이 아니라, 달러 시스템에 편입되는 순간 피할 수 없는 구조적 굴레임을 역설한다. 이는 글로벌 남부(Global South) 국가들이 왜 최근 탈달러화(De-dollarization)와 브릭스(BRICS) 체제에 열광하는지에 대한 이론적 배경을 제공한다.
다. 한계와 시사점
본서는 미국의 전략을 지나치게 의도적이고 치밀한 <음모>의 결과로 해석하는 경향이 있다는 비판을 받기도 한다. 때로는 경제적 역학 관계가 정치적 의도보다는 시장의 자율적 선택에 의해 굴러가기도 하기 때문이다. 그러나 2020년대 들어 미-중 갈등과 금융 제재가 일상화된 시점에서, 경제를 전쟁의 연장선으로 보는 허드슨의 시각은 그 어느 때보다 설득력을 얻는다.
4. 결론
<슈퍼 임페리얼리즘>은 달러라는 화폐가 어떻게 전 세계를 지배하는 보이지 않는 사슬이 되었는지 증명하는 고전이다. 허드슨은 경제학이 단순한 수식의 학문이 아니라 권력과 착취의 학문임을 일깨워준다. 미국 중심의 단극 체제가 균열을 보이고 있는 현재, 이 책은 다극화되는 세계 경제의 미래를 예측하기 위해 반드시 통과해야 할 관문이다.
세진님, 이 요약이 <슈퍼 임페리얼리즘>의 핵심 논지를 파악하시는 데 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 추가로 궁금한 챕터나 특정 국가(예: 중국이나 러시아)와 관련된 미국의 경제 전략 부분에 대해 더 알고 싶으시면 언제든 말씀해 주세요. 다음에는 어떤 주제나 책에 대해 대화해 볼까요?